The Paper statute and the Amendment to the All
Saturday, September 19, 2009
Tweleve Year Old Thong
I've written a whole amendment to the Statute of UPyD . Here's the explanation.
The Statute of UPyD Paper has more than fifty pages. Further reading and analyzing whole needs to invest time and not exactly fun. However, it is very revealing of the likely intentions of its authors and to glimpse the consequences of its application. Both are crucial for anyone wishing to take a stand before it, by voting either for or against either criticizing it as public and political issue it is. But above all, is the ultimate test of whether UPyD is being directed by her current Direction to what was agreed at its foundation and its manifesto as well as whether to treat or not a new and fully democratic party.
The Statute of UPyD Paper has more than fifty pages. Further reading and analyzing whole needs to invest time and not exactly fun. However, it is very revealing of the likely intentions of its authors and to glimpse the consequences of its application. Both are crucial for anyone wishing to take a stand before it, by voting either for or against either criticizing it as public and political issue it is. But above all, is the ultimate test of whether UPyD is being directed by her current Direction to what was agreed at its foundation and its manifesto as well as whether to treat or not a new and fully democratic party.
understand that our country can be people who, when it comes to political parties, only look at appearances, in the propaganda messages of their leaders or the apparent purpose of his intentions. Anyone who believes that no matter what happens behind closed doors, you can choose to ignore everything that follows or by value. But make no mistake: a party, if it is to be democratic, can not be only the outside world.
I'll try to answer the following Question:
1. What is the statute that the Directorate has developed UPyD?
2. What foreseeable consequences in the organization and its policies have that text?
3. Is it consistent with the founding manifesto?
4. What could or should change?
5. Is there an alternative to paper?
2. What foreseeable consequences in the organization and its policies have that text?
3. Is it consistent with the founding manifesto?
4. What could or should change?
5. Is there an alternative to paper?
What is the statute that the Directorate has developed UPyD?
an organization is designed with various bodies, both collegiate (Boards and Commissions) as sole proprietorships (Spokesperson and Coordinator), in three areas different territorial (national, regional and local). Among the national bodies that there are several by name, would seem destined to control (Security, Finance and Election). The provincial-level bodies are merely utilitarian, with little consequence.
However, the distribution of roles and responsibilities is such that it concentrates almost all the party's power in one person: the National Spokesperson. This is because it presents its list closed and locked for the election of the Board, which in turn has allocated almost all functions directly. Not only is the "executive" of the party, but also is the "police" that monitors and "judge" that record and eject, and can even "interpret" the statute. Decide who can join and who not. It also ensures regulatory action because it is who makes the laws. Also makes policy decisions and even decide alliances with other forces. Party policy will be developed and agreed by the Board, in its most blatant form directly and the rest of the cases with the assistance of bodies it controls. Decide the final composition of the nominations, with the exception of the chief candidates. Organizes and participates intensively in the internal electoral processes, including its own renovation. As if his duties were not enough, directly controls a large percentage of the Political Council and the Electoral Commission and may remove and replace territorial leaders. I do not know if I forget something, but just in case they are specifically assigned "any other function that does not come attached to these Regulations to any other organ."
should be added to the foregoing that the election of the Board will be done by a procedure not approved in the Assembly, which starts even before Congress has begun.
Moreover, there is some term limits but so dysfunctional that the Statute permits further the person who will have all that power as Speaker up to twelve consecutive years, ie until the end of 2021.
From the economic point of view, we note a total lack of control of recruitment and internal charges or payments to persons working with the party leadership. Nor are there mechanisms for transparency and financial management information to members.
A eject mechanism disguised as "low affiliate" in an expeditious manner, not even meet the requirements of the Organic Law on Political Parties.
the disciplinary system, precautionary measures and the errors which are defined as limiting and allow an interpretation as arbitrary (recall that this interpretation is the prerogative of the Board) may silence critics and even the debates and the possible existence of any internal opposition. In that game, as the political trajectories of Rosa Díez had ended very, very quickly.
What foreseeable consequences in the political organization and have that text?
Regulation of the First Congress, which promoted the management, as well as the measures it has been doing (records and expulsions of the critics, campaign pressure during the pre-congress, etc..) blatantly favoring the reelection of the current leaders. Once the Statute Paper is approved, the same address would have the full power of the party, as well as mechanisms to keep it comfortably for at least twelve years (until 2021).
At that time, the vertical decision-making and extremely concentrated, will be the breeding ground for most servile members (out of ambition or blind following of patronage) is incorporated into a monolithic unit and intellectually passive. That, coupled with severe limitations to the debate and criticism, will lead to a democratic future and also nothing completely sterile.
This is the main fallacy Paper containing the Statute. Attempts to justify the absence of internal democracy in the interests of efficiency. However, it is hidden behind a far worse than that of other parties, effective only for the preservation of the privileges of a few. An organization, if it survives, it will only be implemented within itself the same vices that said fight. Effectiveness? Nothing will be unable to regenerate.
Is it consistent with the founding manifesto?
Although the statute is primarily an organizational document, has a political content, as reflected in the "Principles and objectives" that deserves special criticism. They eat the resignation of one of the hallmarks that cemented who founded UPyD: mainstreaming. Among other things, as a serious example, there is no reference to individual freedom and its defense before the state. It has also completely eliminated the reference to democracy beyond our borders, which was explicit in the founding manifesto. In summary, the surrender of much of liberal principles, which together with generically called progressives were part covenant and foundational project.
In summary, we can say that the current address UPyD, with the Paper that has developed completely betrays the above in Conclusion of the Manifesto talking about political parties, which states: "None of the current major national parties, let alone defend the nationalist proposals equivalent to ours ... .. None, finally, is interested in proposing reforms to revitalize democracy eroding the power of the party machinery in favor of an open and public deliberation .... These are, however, the proposals made by our party. "
What could or should change?
main thing that needs to be changed very easily expressed:
1. Implement in the game division of powers.
2. Turning independent control bodies and serious.
3. Forcing transparency among members and society.
4. Prevent economically favorable internal offices or related companies.
5. That term limits is real.
6. Balancing the rights, duties and discipline.
7. Fulfill the letter and spirit of the Political Parties Law.
8. Lost mainstreaming.
9. Recovering people who support the initial project.
10. Assembly to give a real opportunity to decide what it should.
2. Turning independent control bodies and serious.
3. Forcing transparency among members and society.
4. Prevent economically favorable internal offices or related companies.
5. That term limits is real.
6. Balancing the rights, duties and discipline.
7. Fulfill the letter and spirit of the Political Parties Law.
8. Lost mainstreaming.
9. Recovering people who support the initial project.
10. Assembly to give a real opportunity to decide what it should.
However, changing all of this is possible with partial amendments, as most of these ten points are distributed throughout the length of the article. Nor would make sense to change one thing and another does not, because the source of all is the same: the democratization and respect for the founding covenant.
Thus, the choice is not an amendment warm minimums. Based on the outline of the presentation, the Amendment to the totality of the Statute has been reviewed in depth, suffering (or rather enjoying) big changes. Of course, writing is not the only possible, but tries to be faithful to what the founding covenant and the need for a very different game to others.
specific changes are numerous, but the most striking include:
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Restitution of legitimacy The First Congress would be called Constituent Assembly. From the end of it, opening a 30-day period in which any member who has left the party may obtain reinstatement by simple request. Current records and disciplinary sanctions have no effect. All organs of the party are "acting" and not take any other decisions that are strictly necessary for the management of the party. Will begin the steps required for the renewal of all organs, including the convening of the First Ordinary Meeting to be held prior to 100 days. Immediately, it will be a provisional election committee formed by a notary draw from the people listed as members of the Political Council in the relationship dated 09/29/2007.
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Recovery mainstreaming: liberal concepts are incorporated to the principles and purposes of the party. The adjective "progressive" will also add "liberal." Among the goals is added: "Becoming a model in regard to internal democracy of political parties ...."
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Division of powers: The Board of Directors renamed the Executive Committee and its functions of the executive. Regulatory functions passed to the Political Council, where the ex officio members disappear, with all representatives elected. The same happens with the delegates of the Assembly. The supervisory bodies become fully elected by the Assembly. It provides independent, serious incompatibility and functions to the Committee on Rights and Duties, the economic control and the Election Committee.
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Election person appointments, corporate bodies and primary elections: electoral processes become controlled by the Election Committee, without the intervention of outgoing bodies to renew. Are encouraged discussions between candidates. Applies the form of direct election for the Speaker and Coordinators. All collegiate bodies elected by open list. It promotes the integration of applications during the process. It leaves open the possibility in some cases of electronic voting, but with specific requirements of reliability and safety. Is serious about term limits. Is not subjective in the development of applications in the primary process.
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Disciplinary measures: The disciplinary powers, guaranteeing rights and good practices of public officials passed the so-called Committee on the Rights and Duties. Is incorporated verbatim as stated in the Political Parties Law. It balances the regime of rights, duties and faults, allowing the debate and freedom of speech and criminalizing misconduct abuses of their leaders. The final court of appeal is the General Assembly. It prohibits and criminalizes the recruitment arbitrary party officials, associates or businesses.
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Transparency: We must publish and make available to the members account information, recruitment and remuneration charged. Also on the membership.
Besides all this, as anecdotal note, the text has been eliminated nine times the preposition "amen" that could seem a little inappropriate in a secular Statute and seven times the word "hold" for having been misused.
Is there an alternative to paper?
The Authority, suspend the membership records and those who are opposed to his authoritarian rule, shows that no one dares to confront an internal debate. It is our right to submit nominations and proposals, but we are denied. After all, the reasons for developing this amendment to prevail over all the pessimism about the acts of persecution and pressure that we view those who oppose the abduction of the party by its leaders. Lest anyone think this is a useless work, the result of naivete and lack of other summer work better. Neither one nor the other. It is a need for ethics and consistency, as well as a strategic step in defending the common project.
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